The Re-Emergence of Racism in the West: Who is to Blame?

Abstract

The aim of this research is threefold: to define and discuss racism, to study the reason it is re- remerging under different guises in the West such as xenophobia, Islamophobia and intolerance of culture differences, and to investigate whether liberal values and democratic practices are compatible with cultural diversity, or they are bound to generate racism and intolerance of the ‘other’.

To do this, liberal values and democratic practices in the West will be discussed in detail concerning how they dealt with cultural diversity. On the other hand, these values and practices will be investigated to discuss whether or not they were the reason behind the backlash against culture differences, and the rise of the right wing, and therefore, the re-emergence of racism.

Keywords: Racism, Xenophobia, Islamophobia, Cultural Diversity, Anti-Racism, Liberal Values, Democratic Practices, the Right Wing

Introduction

Research on the reasons of prejudice toward ethnic minority and racial groups has an old tradition in social sciences (Ousey et al., 2012). Racism is a form of discrimination, prejudice and antagonism in which one feels superior to others owing to their race, gender, color, nationality, accent, etc. Racism or prejudice, however, has several definitions. It is important to point out Kant’s definition of racism, for two important reasons. One, he is an exceptional philosopher specifically when it comes to human dignity and equality, and the other reason is his methodological consistency (Allais, 2016). Kant defined racism as any form of disrespect or hatred toward others (Allais, 2016). His notion of disrespect and respect has cognitive, emotional and volitional components which essentially includes the failure to appropriately respond to the humanity in others (Allais, 2016).

The most significantly used macro-level definition of racism invokes the group-threat viewpoint (Ousey et al., 2012). It is a universal hierarchy of inferiority and superiority along the line of ‘human’ that has been culturally, economically and politically produced and reproduced by the institutions of patriarchal/capitalist, Christian-centric/western-centric and colonial/modern world system for centuries (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). These people are above the line of human; they are socially recognized as human beings, and therefore, they enjoy access to rights (such as civil rights, labor rights and women rights), material resources, as well as social recognition to their identities, subjectivities, spiritualities and epistemologies (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). Whereas people who are below the line of human are viewed as non-human or subhuman; this means that their humanity is questioned, and thus, negated (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). In this case, their rights, material resources, social recognition to their identities, subjectivities, spiritualities and epistemologies are denied (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). This racism definition paves the way to conceive diverse shapes of racism (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). It can be in the form of discrimination against one’s color, language, culture, ethnicity and/or racism (Grosfoguel, 2016; Ousey et al., 2012). Another definition for racism is a universal social problem linked with a variety of costs to broader society and to those targeted (Nelson, 2015). The costs involve reduced access to social resources such as health services, education and employment (Nelson, 2015).

Even though color racism, since colonial times, has been the main racism factor worldwide, it is not the exclusive form of racism (Grosfoguel, 2016). On several occasions, people confuse the concrete/particular racism’s social marker in a certain world region with what is taken to be as the universal definition or exclusive form of racism (Grosfoguel, 2016). The issue with taking a certain racist form as the definition of racism leads people to adopt a false conclusion that racism in other parts of the world does not exist (Grosfoguel, 2016). This example somewhat forms a pervasive methodological nationalism that obscures the world-systemic and broader understanding of a colonial/modern problem such as racism (Grosfoguel, 2016).

A debate among philosophers occurred concerning racism. Garcia (1996) views racism as essentially a matter of race-based ill-will or hatred; whereas Mills (2003) and Tommie Shelby (2002) argue against Garcia stating that racism essentially involves beliefs (Allais, 2016). On the other hand, Glasgow (2009) adopted Kant’s definition of racism that it is related to respect and disrespect to the humanity in others (Allais, 2016). Nevertheless, the mentioned philosophers, as well as others such as Weller (2006) and Wollenberg (2014), admit that racism is re-emerging in the West under different guises such xenophobia, Islamophobia and intolerance of culture diversity.

This paper focuses on the re-emergence of racism in the West, the reasons behind it, and to investigate whether liberal values and democratic practices are compatible with cultural diversity, or they are bound to generate racism and intolerance of the ‘other’. The central research question is: why is racism re-emerging in western countries under different guises such as Islamophobia, xenophobia and intolerance of cultural differences? Broadly speaking, is cultural diversity compatible with liberal values and democratic practices, or is it bound to generate racism and intolerance of the ‘other’? To provide a starting point in the research, I hypothesize that the failure of democratic practices and liberal values in the West led to the re-rise of the right wing, and thus, the re-emergence of racism.

This paper is organized as follows: a literature review which has an overview about xenophobia, Islamophobia, accentism and intolerance of culture differences, an overview about liberal values and democratic practices, a discussion about the failure or success of liberalism and democracy in the West and if it has anything to do with the rise of the right wing, and the re- emergence of racism. After that, a critical analysis and discussion will take place to answer the research question.

Literature Review

An Overview about the Faces of Racism and its Re-rise in the West

Although the definition of racism mentioned previously is quite clear, racism has various faces, and it is re-emerging in the West under different appearances such as xenophobia, Islamophobia, accentism and the othering. Many believe that this phenomenon no longer exists after democracy and liberalism prevailed in the western countries; however, it is re-rising under different forms.

To begin with xenophobia, its general definition is the discrimination, hatred or prejudice practiced against people from other countries. Islamophobia is a form of racism practiced against Muslims. Accentism is discrimination against people who have an accent besides the area one resides. While cultural intolerance is disrespecting others’ beliefs and practices.

Xenophobia, regionalism, racism and Islamophobia, as well as the factors that exacerbate these phenomena should be identified and illustrated (Dağdelen, 2013). Generally speaking, the concept of ‘othering’ arises from socio-cultural, economic, political and international factors (Dağdelen, 2013). These factors equally contribute in shaping the “Ethno-political Behavior” of the society (Dağdelen, 2013). Ever since integration began in the West, one can monitor a very clear trend: a huge part of the communities’ energies were concentrating on integration’s economic aspects, whereas other society aspects were frequently ignored (Dağdelen, 2013). Thus, the ‘othering’ aspects began to re-emerge as catalysts for divisiveness (Dağdelen, 2013).

The European Union is witnessing racism, xenophobia and Islamophobia (Dağdelen, 2013). Greece is an interesting case to begin with, for it has over a 20-year experience as a receiving country (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Although Greece is considered a democratic country, its policies of migrant integration are still under-developed (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). The central view is that although migrants in Greece are temporary settlers, they are a convenient labor force, and they should go back home once their jobs are finished (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Also, they are not welcomed to linger nor become a part of the Greek nation (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Immigrants in Greece recently started to actively participate in the country’s public life through challenging political, social, economic and cultural realities (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). In early 2010, state policies have changed with new citizenship laws, which have opened up second-generation citizenship, have facilitated the naturalization of the first-generation migrants (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Research conducted revealed a flexible understanding of the Greek national identity, not only through elites representations and public policy, but also among citizens (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). While these policies appeared to represent a truce with the past, as well as a concrete political will to accommodate and accept religious and ethnic diversity, recent development in politics and in society suggest a contradictory trend (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Public attitudes and legitimate political discourse toward migrants became significantly worse in the past two years, with over racism and xenophobia taking the toll (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). The citizenship law’s reform has coincided with major suspicion, and while moderately implemented, this law was judged in November 2012 as unauthorized by the Council of the State (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013). Xenophobia and anti-immigrant rhetoric has turned into an ordinary discourse (Triandafyllidou et al., 2013).

Islamophobia, as a phenomenon, is a thoughtless and harsh attitude toward diversity and differences in the society (Sunar, 2017). When Islam, from an Islamophobic viewpoint, is considered an enemy, it becomes less likely to discover its real appearance (Sunar, 2017). While Islamophobia is linked to a long history of xenophobia, racism and ethnocentrism in the West, it is very difficult to get over it (Sunar, 2017). Paradoxically, Islamophobia does not affect religious Muslims only; people who have characteristics such as clothing, skin color or language are generally linked with Muslims, and eventually, affected by Islamophobia (Sunar, 2017). Consequently, some non-Muslims such as Arab Christians, Sikhs, Hindu Indians and Africans have been a target for Islamophobic actions (Sunar, 2017). Discrimination against religion during the 1970s and 1980s in the United Kingdom were not commonly articulated by those who were experiencing discrimination (Weller, 2006). Nevertheless, by the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, discrimination against religion has re-emerged as a vigorously contested political, legal and public debate (Weller, 2006). Between 1999 and 2001, a research team at the Religious Resource and Research Center of the University of Derby started a research project about religious discrimination in England and Wales (Weller, 2006). The research concluded that post-September 11 2001, the Christian-Muslim relation in the United Kingdom started deteriorating, and therefore, discrimination against Muslims and Islamophobia rose (Weller, 2006). The report also recognized a rise in ‘ethnic xenophobia’ which is markedly separate from the xenophobia that occurs between Islamophobia and anti-asylum seeker sentiment (Weller, 2006). This ethnic xenophobia increased the sense of vulnerability and fear both locally and globally (Weller, 2006). Moreover, after this research study was submitted for publication, the London Transport bombings and the attempted bombings of July 2005 occurred (Weller, 2006). This also enhanced discrimination against Muslims in the United Kingdom (Weller, 2006). Amid the same period, Islamophobia was also rising in France (Navarro, 2010). France approved the anti-veil law, also known as, a law that bans the usage of “ostensive” religious symbols in state schools (Navarro, 2010). Many believe that the 9/11 attacks are the reason behind the rise of Islamophobia in the West (Sunar, 2017). Nevertheless, according to Esposito, Islamophobia did not unexpectedly come into being, just like xenophobia and anti-Semitism, it has historical roots (Sunar, 2017). He finds a close relationship between Islamophobia and racism in the West (Sunar, 2017).

Cultural Diversity’s Compatibility with Democratic Practices and Liberal Values

Democracy is a governmental form in which people have equal say in decision-making that affects their lives (Storm, 2008). Democratic practices allow people to equally participate — either through elected representatives or directly — in the creation, development and proposal of laws (Storm, 2008). Similarly, liberalism is a moral and political philosophy based on equality and liberty (Gerson et al., 2015). Liberal values promote a wide-range of stances depending on these principles’ understanding, but they mostly support democracy, civil rights, racial equality, gender equality, secularism, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom of the press (Gerson et al., 2015).

Developing in northern and western Europe since the 15th century, the Western civilizations have been shaped by the forces of nationalism, liberalism and modernism (Smooha, 2018). These forces who were inimical to cultural diversity, later directed their states to become democratic nations through homogenizing their populations in terms of culture, identity and language (Smooha, 2018). Liberal democracies succeeded in most of these countries based on personal autonomy, individualism, neutralization of the religious divide through secularization or privatization, assimilation of minorities and national identity (Smooha, 2018). However, various countries in the West were developed in a different direction where they accepted separation and differentiation among cultural groups, and applied a variety of mechanisms in order to achieve a unity between peaceful coexistence and diversity (Smooha, 2018). A third manner emerged in other European state which is ethnic democracies (Smooha, 2018). In these states, the rulers are the ethnic majority that unenthusiastically tolerate the minority’s culture and langue, and lessens cultural diversity through subordination and exclusion (Smooha, 2018). The three forms of democracy are represented by the cases of Switzerland, Estonia and the United States of America (Smooha, 2018). Each of the three cases mentioned above encouraged and welcomed cultural diversity, and to a certain extent, it was magnificent (Smooha, 2018).

Research showed a strong correlation between liberal values and anti-racism (Nelson et al., 2016). However, there are two distinct types of anti-racism; the first is the liberal anti-racism, and the second is radical anti-racism (Nelson et al., 2016). Liberal anti-racists view anti-racism as apolitical and consensus seeking, and it could only occur within existing social framework, while radical anti-racists view societal transformation necessary for effective anti-racism ((Nelson et al., 2016). In other words, liberal anti-racism is more self-assured, whereas radical anti-racism is vulnerable to self-consciousness (Nelson et al., 2016). Nevertheless, both types of anti-racism agree that anti-racism is important for the economic gain and/or productivity increase (Nelson et al., 2016). They view the community as a disciplinary (i.e. economic, cultural and social) governance mode, and they emphasize on individuals’ responsibility for anti-racism, and their culpability for racism (Nelson et al., 2016). Liberal values could go hand in hand with the so-called anti-racial discourses (Nelson et al., 2016).

In the past two decades, cultural groups and minorities who live in democratic countries have had rising demands concerning state recognition for their assistance and identities to protect their cultures (Ratnapala, 2005). They have received solid intellectual support from liberals (Ratnapala, 2005). In liberal democracies, governments make considerable allocations to support the protection of languages, minority’s religious practices, arts and crafts (Ratnapala, 2005). There is even a growing demand in some democratic countries for state-provided schooling in minority faiths and languages (Ratnapala, 2005). Kymlicka (1995) views individual freedom of choice as a necessary principle for a democratic/liberal society, and he demands for state sponsorship for multiculturalism (Ratnapala, 2005). The perfect liberal society does not have one state religion, even if all members confess to one faith owing to the fact liberal society must protect members’ freedom to embrace other faiths (Ratnapala, 2005). Liberal society also does not penalize heresy or apostasy (Ratnapala, 2005). It is important to note that in liberal democracies who have a constitutional state-church correlates toleration and state neutrality in terms of faith (Ratnapala, 2005). Language raises a more complex issue; however, it may be straightforwardly resolved (Ratnapala, 2005). In liberal society, the use of language should be determined by personal convenience, and not by the commands of the state (Ratnapala, 2005). The instruction media should be privately determined because education is privately provided (Ratnapala, 2005). Linguistic groups who wish to preserve their languages have the freedom to establish their own schools but without state aid (Ratnapala, 2005). Liberal states should use languages as a necessary aspect for effective performance of its function (Ratnapala, 2005). This will not hinder a certain language from being the primary language through the convenience’s weight, nor will it hinder the emergence of other languages (Ratnapala, 2005). In this process of selection, particular languages have obvious historical advantages; for instance, English in Anglo- Saxon nations (Ratnapala, 2005).

Liberal Values and Democratic Practices are Bound to Generate Racism

Even though Smooha (2018) discusses the success of democratic practices and liberal values in the United States of America, Estonia and Switzerland, as well as their compatibility with anti- racism, he also discusses how the tables were turned in the past few years, and how racism is re- emerging in the West. Multiculturalism is becoming multi-sub-culturalism in the West, and it has been facing a crisis ever since the early 2000s (Smooha, 2018). Unassimilable and irregular migration, unrest, crime, terrorism and women’s maltreatment majorly reduced tolerance in the West (Smooha, 2018). The radical political right is rising, and endeavoring to redesign liberal democracy into ethnic and defensive democracy (Smooha, 2018). People in the West are more and more demanding the rights of the majority instead of the rights of the minority (Smooha, 2018). They are even calling on the majority to defend its culture, exercise its rights and explicitly ask for the reduction of diversity measures (Smooha, 2018). Donald Trump’s election as the President of the nation unravels American people’s deep dissatisfaction with the liberals’ identity politics, political correctness, multiculturalism, disregard of national unity and solidarity and neglect of the dilemma of the lower white strata (Smooha, 2018). Identity politics divides the American society, and it drifts away from a search for shared destiny, solidarity, common good, hope and vision of the future (Smooha, 2018). The United States of America, since its foundation, was championed to be the land of democracy and liberty for all people (Sunar, 2017). Nevertheless, things have been tremendously worsened since the beginning of the 21st century (Sunar, 2017). Because many believe diversity, primarily religion, challenges secularism (Burchardt, 2017), changes in security perspectives, the legal systems and foreign policy have adversely affected the lives of different groups (Sunar, 2017). Alongside with the escalation of Islamophobia in the United States, religious discourse have become full with an anti-Islamic sentiment (Sunar, 2017). Christian fundamentalists, who create the majority of the Republican Party’s voters, link Islamophobic discourse to the mainstream conservative policy, and they address their remarks to the voters of the religious rightist (Sunar, 2017).

By identifying the values of tolerance (i.e. liberalism and diversity in the interests of mobilizing a nation) as the nation’s unique patrimony, people are threatened by the influx of outsiders who are unable to share or are unwilling to respect and adopt the culture and traditions (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). In other words, ‘our’ country is one of tolerance, diversity and liberalism is jeopardized by the influx of narrow-minded, reactionary and intolerant ‘others’ (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). Voters are expected to support radical right parties if they perceive them as ‘legitimate’ or ‘normal’ at least partly means effective, democratic and in line with national values (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). The success of radical right parties depends on its ability to lead a delicate rhetorical balance which is explicitly critical of the system (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). As a result, the nation’s centrality of nationalism to the radical right’s program presents a problem for radical right parties (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). This rhetorical balance is primarily difficult to accomplish given the fact radical right parties are exclusionary by nature (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). Conformity to mainstream national values and liberal democratic principles mean implementing civic models such as toleration and multiculturalism which are contrary to the radical right parties’ ideological positions (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). Parties who keep on emphasizing national identity’s ethnic elements tend to be viewed as explicitly racist and xenophobic (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). In order to survive in the political system and avoid negative label, radical right parties adopt a civic rhetoric that utilizes their respective national identities’ liberal elements in their discourse (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). Formally, elements of integration in the radical right discourse such as direct reference to ethnicity and race are being substituted with democratic rights, language of inclusion and liberties (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). Parties that might have restricted national membership for those who shared a common culture, race, creed and community of birth are more likely to emphasize the nation’s institutional structure’s superiority, and its right to liberation from advance of other ‘subordinate’ nations which political systems are framed as undemocratic, unrepresentative and undeveloped (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012). The balance is thus achieved through the portrayal of ethnic values — can be perceived as irrational, violent, and hence, anti-systemic — in civic terms that are perceived as democratic, tolerant and inclusive (Halikiopoulou et al., 2012).

These findings sideline with those about the European far-right offline (Froio, 2018). On the one hand, examining the case of the European Radical Right Populist Parties (RRPPs), Halikiopoulou et al. (2012) came to a conclusion that the far right is trying to capitalize on a “civic zeitgeist” while searching for political legitimacy inside their political systems (Froio, 2018). Halikiopoulou et al. (2012) show that the Radical Right Populist Parties set their ethnic exclusivist agenda in motion through annexing the values of liberalism, diversity and tolerance of “our” nation (Froio, 2018). Brubaker recently confirmed this thesis during his study about the far-right parties in North America and Europe (Brubaker, 2017). On the other hand, research studies about intellectual and far-right street-based movements stress on the importance of transition from racist to neo-racist nativeness’ understandings starting from the late 1960s (Froio, 2018). By describing the French Nouvelle Droite’s (ND) case, Bar-On presents that the ND did not eliminate racism, it instead found a way to defend the homogeneity of ethnic communities in Europe through “working within the liberal democratic framework to seek its demise” (Froio, 2018). This is a common tendency to the contemporary European Identitarian movement (Virchow, 2016).

Methodology

The method used in this paper is a literature review with an analysis and discussion of secondary data. A discussion and analysis will take place to answer the research question, and to prove whether the hypothesis is right, or if there are further information found in the previous research studies. Additionally, a comparison is done between how democratic practices and liberal values used to be when they first started in the West, and how they are currently evolving to become dissimilar to their original ideologies and practices.

Discussion and Analysis

Given that the West has a long history with racism, prejudice and discrimination, democracy and liberalism predominantly rose to accept cultural diversity, and banish all forms of discrimination. Ever since the outbreak of democracy in the West at the end of 1700s, civilizations have been created by the forces of liberalism, nationalism and modernism. At first, these forces were not cultural-diversity friendly; however, they later started accepting democracy and homogenizing with the ‘others’ through identity, language and culture. This shows that people of the West did not accept nor welcome diversity from the very start, but they were somewhat forced to apply it. Democracy and liberalism was accomplished in most countries in the West, and secularization played a major role. Not democracy nor liberalism forced citizens and residents to practice a particular religion, use a certain language or adopt one culture, it simply made people accept one another no matter what their backgrounds were. Each country in the West practiced democracy and liberalism differently, and there were namely three forms. Some called for peaceful coexistence and diversity, while others called for ethnic democracies.

There is a strong correlation between liberal values, democratic practices and anti-racism. Liberal values and democratic practices agree that racism hinders economic gain and productivity, while its absence enhances it. These two systems perceive their community as a disciplinary governance mode, and they emphasize that individuals are responsible for anti- racism, and they are culpable for racism. Liberal values and democratic practices go hand in hand with anti-racial discourses. But did citizens of these liberal and democratic communities heartfully accept cultural diversity, or were they forced to apply it? The citizens of these communities were at first forced to accept cultural diversity, but as democracy showed its success, they gradually started to acknowledge its importance. The United States, Estonia and Switzerland are the perfect examples to elaborate this point. Racism, discrimination and prejudice were to a certain extent shut down, at least the racist discourse no longer existed. People from different races, ethnicities, cultures and religions proved themselves in these countries because democracy gave them the chance to do so. Nevertheless, cultural groups and minorities who live in these democratic countries have been having rising demands concerning state recognition in the past two decades, and liberals did not fail them. Their demands were solidly supported, and their language, religious practices, as well as their arts and crafts were strongly taken into consideration. Some even had the chance to teach their faiths and languages in schools. The perfect liberal society does not have one state religion even if all members confess to one faith owing to the fact liberal society must protect members’ freedom to embrace other faiths. Liberal society also does not penalize heresy or apostasy. The West proved that it at least accomplished the basic democratic terms and conditions, and it is important to note that citizens of countries in the West have had a solid role regarding this success. As it seems in the literature, democracy has been giving cultural groups and minorities its optimum. Yet, it is also important to note that these citizens might be actually gaining and benefiting from this cultural diversity, and as a matter of fact, they might be as well exploiting members throughout the process of integration. Because as mentioned previously, a key point brought up by democracy is that racism hinders productivity and economic gain. As the Marxist historical-structural theories state, migration is bad, for the majority of migrants undergo exploitation i.e. low wages, extra hours at the workplace and so forth. The West is mostly based on capitalism; and for capitalism to survive, a high-quality labor-force is crucial. Racism, prejudice and discrimination threatens and, at times, hinders productivity and economic gain. Hence, democratic practices and liberal values might be an instrument to help capitalism in the West survive, rather than being a humanitarian practice that emphasizes the equality and recognition of human beings.

If the reason behind the emergence of cultural diversity in the West is nothing but an instrument for the success of capitalism, then the reason racism is currently re-emerging under different guises since the early 2000s is quite clear. Nonetheless, research studies indicate that racism and intolerance of cultural diversity are re-emerging because of irregular migration, unrest, crime, terrorism and women’s maltreatment. This in particular is pushing people in the West to defend their culture, exercise their rights and explicitly ask for the reduction of diversity measures, rather than supporting the rights of the minorities. The radical right in the West took advantage of this scenario, and it reshaped the concepts of democracy and liberalism because if they keep on emphasizing on the national identity in their discourse, they will be viewed as racist or xenophobic. Instead, the radical right parties emphasize the nation’s institutional structure’s superiority, and its right to liberation from advance of other ‘subordinate’ nations which political systems are framed as undemocratic, unrepresentative and undeveloped. The case of the election of Donald Trump in the United States serves the case here. The United States has always been the country of liberty, things got worse as of the beginning of the 21st century. The way Trump tackled religions, migrants, ethnicities and genders in his discourse did not sound racist, yet it convinced people to vote for him; it is the same case with the new President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro. Implicit anti-immigrant discourses threatened people from the influx of outsiders; they did not intend to, but they ended up electing radical rightists. Voters perceived radical rightists as legitimate and normal, for they were turning the public opinions against what they call ‘outsiders’ using democracy and liberal values. Although it was hard to accomplish it, radical rightists were able to portray ethnic values (which can be perceived as irrational or violent) in civic terms that can look democratic. The uprising far-right movement in Brazil is escalating. Bolsonaro for instance is a far-rightist. His discourse is majorly considered racist, xenophobic, homophobic, transphobic and so forth. His primary plan is to impose laws against human rights. In addition to the United States and Brazil, the findings also sideline with the radical right in Europe.

The rise of the right wing in the West seems to be the primary reason for the failure of democracy and liberalism, and therefore, integration. But in fact, far-rightists’ discourse, to a certain extent, manipulated voters. If democracy and liberalism truly failed in the West, far- rightists would not have monitored their word choice so that they will not sound racist. Yet, this does not eliminate the fact some voters are actually pro-discrimination. In my opinion, democracy and liberalism succeeded in the West, but it needed certain modifications to reach its utmost; and this makes the hypothesis stated in the beginning of the research null. The re- emergence of racism in the West under different guises has various reasons. One, some westerners did not entirely accept cultural diversity. Two, the right wing manipulated voters, and hence, racist laws were implemented. Three, crimes, terroristic attacks, maltreatment of women, etc. made people reconsider cultural diversity, and it created some sort of backlash against it.

Conclusion

Racism is defined as a form of discrimination, prejudice and antagonism practiced against people from different race, gender, color, nationality, accent, etc., and researchers gave it other various definitions. Some defined racism as form of political and economic hierarchy, while others chose to stick to ethnic discrimination. Prejudice or racism was somewhat shut down in the West ever since democracy and liberalism prevailed, and the minorities were given their rights and demands based on the democratic and liberal laws. However recently, racism has been re-emerging in the West ever since the beginning of the 21st century. Debates took place around this point where some blamed the failure of democracy and liberalism, and accused the unwillingness of westerners to make others integrate, while others blamed it on the uprising of the right wing and the manipulation in the discourse of far-rightists.

On the one hand, Westerners were threatened by the presence of ‘outsiders’. Given the case of Estonia, Estonians did not accept the presence of Russians, and they were threatened by it (Smooha, 2018). For instance, they chose to force the usage of the Estonian language, for Russians have a long history occupying Estonia, and they became more clung to their culture and traditions (Smooha, 2018). While on the other hand, Westerners accepted and heartfully welcomed the presence of people from different backgrounds. This was presented in the cases of Canada and Belgium. Adopting the liberal democratic practices, these countries grant minorities collective and individual rights, they recognize them and enforce institute multi- culturalism (Smooha, 2018). These regimes more or less deprive the majority in order to privilege the minority (Smooha, 2018).

Personally, I think democratic practices and liberal values are compatible with cultural diversity, and they succeeded in the West. However, for these practices and values to reach their paramount concerning equality, equity and human rights, they needed certain modifications; such as preventing prospective rulers from modifying the anti-racism laws. The re-emergence of racism in the West was not a proof that democracy and liberalism failed; but the reasons it is re- emerging are: one, the right wing manipulated voters, and because of this, racist laws were applied. Two the crimes, terroristic attacks, and maltreatment of women created a backlash against cultural diversity. Three, some westerners did not entirely accept cultural diversity.

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