Sex Trafficked Women in Thailand
Abstract
The aim of this research is threefold: to investigate the motives behind Thai women’s involvement in sex trafficking, the anti-trafficking policies the Thai government has taken to impede trafficking, and the policies that have been demonstrated to be the most effective. To do this, anti-trafficking strategies in the first world countries and the anti-trafficking strategies in Thailand are compared with the aim of determining which strategies are the most effective as well as least physiologically and psychologically harmful, and to suggest improvements for the anti-trafficking strategies in Thailand.
Introduction
Sex trafficking is a form of migration in which one uses force, coercion or fraud for sexual exploitation of human beings. Given that sex trafficking is a major violation of human rights, the strategies anti-trafficking movements are taking to fight against sex trafficking are psychologically and physiologically harming sex trafficking survivors.
These anti-trafficking strategies are criminalizing trafficking survivors as it will be shown later in the paper.
International agreements take place on how migration and trafficking in individuals are connected and is blossoming due to the gap between the rich and the poor countries, the underprivileged work positions of women, and the deficiency of opportunities for the youth to build an existence (Peach, 2006). This in particular makes them vulnerable and prone to exploitation in the trafficking industry. Hence, the core reasons of this matter must be addressed to be able to reduce the social and economic inequality which triggers irregular migration (Chuang, 2018).
Research strongly indicates that women involved in the sex trafficking industry did not personally prefer getting into it (Okech et al., 2011); however, it is still an organized system with major links to the felonious world. Procuring and migrant prostitution are becoming inseparable (Chuang, 2018). The definition of procuring is a systemized activity of networks which are linked to criminal bodies. Optimum profit is the main objective of trafficking businesses (Chuang, 2018). Although a lot of sex trafficked migrant women say they are sovereign, they encounter various kinds of pressures (Molland, 2013).
After the severe increase in sex trafficking rates worldwide, several international organizations rose in order to prevent the brutality from happening. Nonetheless, what is actually happening contradicts with the anti-trafficking movements’ objectives which are helping sex trafficking survivors and prohibiting further sex trafficking occurrences. The measures of borders control may have positive intentions toward migrants. To illustrate, countries like Indonesia have legislations for migrant workers, but they do not always target people’s actual needs (Beyond Borders: Exploring Links between Trafficking and Migration, 2010). Female Indonesian domestic workers are not permitted to seek job opportunities on their own, they should instead be recruited through an agent (Beyond Borders: Exploring Links between Trafficking and Migration, 2010). Even though the Indonesian government perceives this legislation as “protecting migrant workers’ rights”, various women are prone to abuses by these agents and are vulnerable to overcharging (Beyond Borders: Exploring Links between Trafficking and Migration, 2010). Many governments’ main goals are border-protection or attracting xenophobic voters rather than protecting their migrants and wanting the best for them (Beyond Borders: Exploring Links between Trafficking and Migration, 2010). Paradoxically, this management is one of the main causes for narrowing both emigration and immigration controls which leads to complicating the migration processes for all migrants (Beyond Borders: Exploring Links between Trafficking and Migration, 2010).
This paper focuses on the case of Thailand, investigating the motives behind Thai women’s involvement in sex trafficking, the anti-trafficking policies the Thai government is taking to impede trafficking, and the policies that have been shown to be the most effective. This matter will be tackled from the Marxist historical-structural theory which links migration to exploitation. In this case, female migrants are being exploited through sex trafficking. The central research question in this paper is: What is the anti-trafficking strategy that is proven to be the most effective, but are the least psychologically and physiologically harmful to trafficking survivors? To provide a starting point for the research, I hypothesize that the strategy that is proven to be the most effective, but the least psychologically and physiologically harmful is victimizing sex trafficked women instead of criminalizing them. By ‘victimizing’ I mean dealing with trafficking survivors as victims who were coerced and deceived, whereas ‘criminalizing’ denotes that trafficking survivors are criminals who deserve to be punished.
The paper is organized as follows: a literature review which has an overview about sex trafficking in Thailand, the victims and survivors of trafficking in Thailand, the anti-trafficking movements and strategies in Thailand, and the anti-trafficking movements and strategies in the United States. After that, an analysis and discussion will take place to suggest what Thailand can add to its anti-trafficking strategies in order to improve them.
Literature Review
Sex Trafficking in Thailand
Sex trafficking is one common phenomena that reinforces inequality between men and women. It happens when migration is linked to prostitution (Musacchio, 2004). This form of migration developed to become a structured criminal trade in relation to women’s exploitation (Musacchio, 2004). Another definition for sex trafficking is the irregular migration of people whether by fraud, ignorance or force which does not allow free consent (Brysk, 2009). The definition of trafficking according to the UN is any use of forms of coercion or force, of fraud, of abduction, of deception, of the abuse of a position of vulnerability for the purpose of exploitation (Brysk, 2009). Sex trafficking is a well-known major violation to human rights. Nevertheless, 820,000 men, women and children are being trafficked yearly (Brysk, 2009). Sex trafficking has numerous motives, some of them are unemployment, political and economic instability, lack of sources, poverty and discrimination against women (Musacchio, 2004). There are other purposes for the involvement of women in sex trafficking such as the better conditions of sex workers in the destination country and the better work opportunities abroad (Musacchio, 2004).
The vast majority of sex trafficked women are deceived and have zero knowledge about their future involvement in sex work (Musacchio, 2004). They are enticed with job offers abroad as exotic dancers or bar hostesses, but they end up being sold at the borders of unknown countries (Musacchio, 2004). A very few number of women acknowledge to a certain extent about their prospect involvement in sex trafficking (Musacchio, 2004). Yet, they do not know about the violence and mistreatment waiting for them, nor about the horrendous work environment they are obliged to undergo (Musacchio, 2004).
In Thailand’s case, there is no longer a lack of references to the sex industry (Singh et al., 2007). The Thai government in 1993 accused a British publisher for ruining the reputation of Thailand by describing it as a hot spot for sex tourism and prostitution (Singh et al., 2007). Ever since then, Thailand has been in the newspapers’ headlines whenever an issue about sex trafficking is being addressed (Singh et al., 2007).
The huge number of women working in poverty-level professions in Thailand and who have financial responsibilities for their family members are more exposed to being involved in sex trafficking (Jones et al., 2009). Also, the majority of trafficked Thai women are often traded by family members at a young age, or are deceived, coerced and manipulated into prostitution (Peach, 2017). Articles from Thailand view well-financed and sophisticated criminal organizations as trafficking Thai women internationally, and that non-Thai felonious syndicates use Thailand as a transit country for other nationals (Jones et al., 2009). These criminal connections include local crime groups with networks to international organized crime, and to be a legitimate business interests such as travel, entertainment and employment services (Jones et al., 2009). The growing number of people who are willing or forced to move abroad for better economic opportunities has led various receiving countries to place constraints on legal immigration which leads to a rise in criminalizing those who are searching for new and better living conditions (Jones et al., 2009). This dilemma also leads to a demand for services provided by trafficking syndicates (Jones et al. 2009). The aftermath of these services has the ability to transform an economic migrant into a trafficked person (Jones et al. 2009). The price has the capability to leave migrants with significant debt that can only be resolved through slavery (Jones et al. 2009). Furthermore, for these debts to be paid back, Thai women are forced to provide sexual services for clients to earn extra money (Peach, 2017). Women in Thailand are imprisoned by a cycle of debt slavery once trafficked (Peach, 2017). These debts are often the result of travel expenses or because of a loan a family member has taken (Peach, 2017). The amounts of these debts are usually equivalent to a couple of thousands of US dollars which varies between $10,000 and $35,000 (Peach, 2017).
Traffickers mostly depend on the financial desperation of victims (Jones et al. 2009). Recruiters usually promise appropriate employment, but migrants find themselves forcefully trafficked upon their arrival to the destination country (Jones et al. 2009). One of the main factors that may drive migrants into sex work without coercion is finding themselves residing in a country with language and culture different from their own (Jones et al. 2009). They might also face discrimination and economic pressures based on their origin or gender, and they may have no means of returning home (Jones et al. 2009).
There is evidence to suggest that various employers, pimps and recruiters are women, and women who have been involved in the sex industry have very little options to escape (Chapkis, 2003). One of the exit options is hiring new victims for the sake of the exchange of being able to avoid having unwanted sex or return home (Chapkis, 2003). This tradition is reportedly usual in Thailand where informal acquaintance chains are used to employ women (Chapkis, 2003). Sex trafficking in Thailand leads to the outcome of a remarkable number of victims.
Victims and Survivors of Trafficking
In order to get rid of the simplification of “victim’s” identity, it is crucial to test how women explain their identities, decision-making processes and subjectivities in their experiences’ narration in the Right to Remain letters (Russel, 2014). Agency is a controversial and a neglected term in the discourse of trafficking (Russel, 2014)
“The victim of trafficking is explored as a useful means by which the destination state can diffuse and subvert the power the undocumented migrant has to expose the fallacy of the bounded state,” (Russel, 2014). Even though the term identity is considered an intersectional process, individuals can express themselves through “essentialized versions of identity” (Russel, 2014). If we take “victim of trafficking” and make it a static and essentialized identity, we can then respond to its representation through questioning what this identity “disables” or “enables” (Russel, 2014). The image of “trafficking victim” is able to serve multiple purposes (Russel, 2014). It can, for instance, facilitate female migration’s control via trafficking victims’ representation in media reports and awareness campaigns which sends the message to those who need protection (Russel, 2014). Also, the label of “trafficking victim” allows a variation to be made between undocumented migrants who have been victimized and deserve the protection of the state, and those irregular migrants who do not (Russel, 2014).
Negotiations over the anti-trafficking laws were rapidly overridden by factions fighting over whether the definition of trafficking should include voluntary prostitution or not (Chaung, 2018). The discussion here highlights how these arguments are rooted in profoundly conflicting views about sexuality, gender roles and the appropriate role of felonious law in response to societal harm with opinion divergence between the two main factions (Chaung, 2018). The discussion will then describe how anti-trafficking policies and laws became the motive in which these activists combat for influence over the prostitution policies worldwide (Chaung, 2018).
The neo-abolitionists consider prostitution as degrading and exploitative to women, and that it is a form of violence practiced against women, and it should be abolished (Chaung, 2018). “Radical feminists” such as Catharine MacKinnon, Kathleen Barry and Sheila Jeffreys do not recognize any distinction between “voluntary” and “forced” prostitution (Chaung, 2018). From their perspective, consent and choice are not feasible owing to the fact prostitution is an organization of male dominance, and it results from the lack of meaningful choices (Chaung, 2018). Women who were made-believe they chose prostitution usually suffer from “false consciousness” which is the incapability of recognizing their own persecution; whether these “prostituted women” seemingly consent or not, prostitution encompasses violations of human beings (Chaung, 2018). Although some feminists are drifting away from the position of conceding the option of voluntary prostitution, they nevertheless still support its abolition, for it only represents the minority of “prostituted women” (Chaung, 2018).
Anti-prostitution feminists have revived the abolitionist rhetoric, and they are targeting prostitution on the global level (Chaung, 2018). Prostitution is explicitly damaging all women in a matter where if one woman is a prostitute, all women will be treated as ones (Chaung, 2018). Since “voluntary” prostitution is an ontological impossibility, the states’ failure to forbid prostitution trespasses women’s rights for sexual autonomy (Chaung, 2018). There are four regulatory modes for sex trafficking; complete criminalization, partial criminalization, decriminalization and legalization (Chaung, 2018) The first paradigm, criminalization, perceives prostitution as “social evil” that should undergo penal measures (Chaung, 2018). Whereas the prohibitionist paradigm targets all actors (pimps, brothel owners, prostitutes and johns), but it excludes prostitutes from the penal measures (Chaung, 2018). Decriminalization allows the relationships between pimps and prostitutes, clients and brothel owners, but punishes illegal acts only such as assault or rape (Chaung, 2018). Finally, legalization also adopts the non-penal approach to prostitution, but it actively controls the industry through licensing requirements, zoning restriction and public health measures such as obligatory health checks (Chaung, 2018).
Anti-Trafficking Strategies in Thailand
The shortage of definitional clarity permits a continuous slippage between ‘forced prostitution’, ‘trafficking’, and ‘illegal migration’ (Anderson et al., 2008). Despite what sexual exploitation and trafficking actually mean, everyone approves they are wrong (Anderson et al., 2008). This helps create a humanitarian consensus beyond political debate — everyone agrees that trafficking ought to be stamped out (Anderson et al., 2008). The slippage helps de-politicize anti-trafficking involvements and deter attention from the state’s role in creating the situations in which exploitation occurs (Anderson et al., 2008). The argument here is that the de-politicization discussed is a form of ‘anti-politics’ (Anderson et al., 2008). It traffics politics under ‘humanitarian agenda’ geared toward the protection and assistance of victims (Anderson et al., 2008). The Victims of Trafficking is a political figure, it is one that has been captured by the states (Anderson et al., 2008).
The United States State Department listed Thailand on the ‘watch list’ of the countries that weren’t meeting the minimal standards needed to hinder trafficking (Jones et al., 2009). Humans traffickers are capable of operating successfully because of the public officials’ corruption (Jones et al., 2009). These officials are either taking bribe to ignore trafficking activities or involved in them (Jones et al., 2009). The Thai government responded to the negative media coverage through declaring a ‘war on trafficking and prostitution’ (Jones et al., 2009). It started by focusing on official corruption through improving methods used by the immigration officials and the police (Jones et al., 2009). In spite of the rise in arrests, very little progress took place in reducing trafficking owing to the officials’ resistance to give up lucrative money sources (Jones et al., 2009).
A study took place to study how anti-traffickers objectify sex trafficking and its relation to translate policy into practice (Molland, 2013). Victim identification guidelines furnish an economy of bad faith in which biased decision-making concerning victim-status is misrecognized as unbiased bureaucratic protocol (Molland, 2013). One also has the chance to observe discursive dissonances and slippages between what people say and do (Molland, 2013). While one informant might show significant nuanced insights and reflexivity concerning sex commerce and migration in an interview setting (Molland, 2013). To clarify, in Lao’s trafficking community, various anti-trafficking informants are intensely aware that trafficking has many forms, and that it may even involve persons who know one another (Molland, 2013). But when it comes to practice, anti-trafficking programs regress into models which involve trafficking predominantly being a subject of an organized crime with separation between traffickers and victims (Molland, 2013). In fact, vacillation, between local knowledge and ideal type models, is a feature of anti-trafficking programs, and it is fundamental to their reproduction (Molland, 2013). Generally, slippages as such are symptomatic of the broad necessity of creating a cause-effect relationship and coherence to make trafficking open to policy responses (Molland, 2013).
Many people feel a profound concern at the common injustice bore by so many, especially when it is happening somewhere close to home, and is sharp manifestation of universal inequalities (Anderson et al., 2008). The interest anti-trafficking policies and campaigns adopted is one manifestation of such concern (Anderson et al., 2008). Nevertheless, if abuse and exploitation are to be terminated, solutions must be required that move beyond imprisoning traffickers and identifying victims (Anderson et al., 2008). Amid signing up to anti-trafficking campaigns and policies, there is a huge risk of being taken in by a hand sleight that combines trafficking and illegality, and which presents harsher migration controls as being in the favor of migrant (Anderson et al., 2008). Migration controls creates groups of people who are deportable, and therefore, vulnerable to abuse (Anderson et al., 2008). The state is in charge of the maintenance of legal frameworks in which certain sectors and occupations and sectors are degraded and happen outside the labor protection rules; and is involved in authorizing third parties to benefit from migrants’ labor, whether commercial sex or other sectors (Anderson et al., 2008). It is hence crucial to place the state back into analysis, and to tackle the role played by the immigration and labor regulations of the state in producing the conditions in which exploitation and trafficking of migrant labor are capable of flourishing (Anderson et al., 2008).
Migration controls are capable of increasing the rates of trafficking (Peach, 2006). The more restrictions, the more possibility for migrants to leave their countries of origin through risky channels or illegally (Peach, 2006). Restricting immigration and emigration reduces people’s chances to legally migrate (Peach, 2006). A lot of people must depend on third parties, many of them are traffickers and give better wages (Peach, 2006). In a nutshell, the outcome of migration controls on trafficking contrast with the intentions of NGOs and policymakers (Peach, 2006).
Nonetheless, anti-trafficking campaigns can still add a lot to their programs in order to reinforce their cause for the sake of migrants and their rights (Jayagupta, 2009). The first aspect to be improved is focusing on the rights of migrants rather than on trafficking (Jayagupta, 2009). The second aspect is shedding the light on the freedom of movement rather than on border controls (Jayagupta, 2009). The third aspect is focusing on various employment sector rather than giving the entire attention to trafficking (Jayagupta, 2009). The fourth and final aspect is viewing sex trafficking survivors as victims rather criminalizing them (Jayagupta, 2009).
Anti-Trafficking Strategies in the United States
Trafficking victims have little to no knowledge about their rights in the United States (Lange, 2011). They do not see themselves as victims (Lange, 2011). The present strategies stated that currently taking place in Houston (a city in the United States) involved the following areas: rescue of victims, sex trafficking awareness through social media and education, rehabilitation of victims, restoration of victims, arrests of johns (i.e. men seeking to procure sex for pay), hotline implementation of information for fears of sex trafficking, and dealing with municipal response which fills gaps and analyzes services (Varghese, 2017).
Three out of nine interviewees involved in prostitution experienced a treatment of willing criminals, while other six believe that the County (the government entity responsible for addressing trafficking and prostitution) treats persons involved in trafficking as coerced and vulnerable (Varghese, 2017). The majority of the interviewees view Houston government as humanitarian, for prostitutes are being addressed as coerced and vulnerable individuals (Varghese, 2017). Owing to this, the office of the Mayor doesn’t require evidence of victimization, it instead allows for outreach agencies and shelter to place victims widely (Varghese, 2017).
There are contradictions regarding the question of institutional support and efficacy of this strategy, however (Varghese, 2017). One interviewee thinks this will not successfully target the matter at hand, it will instead only isolate the aim to particular circumstances (Varghese, 2017). Two of them mentioned that efficacy is depending on the organization partnering with the law enforcement, while one discussed that the cost of treating victims might be an uncertain block in implementing this approach (Varghese, 2017). Three emphasized on the processes of the methods that involve direct access to the people such as: serving each person based on his or her trauma level, active participation of the population, and addressing fundamental factors that lead individuals to prostitution (Varghese, 2017). Eventually, an interview who symbolizes an institution on the frontline of advocacy and rescue said the following concerning efficacy (Varghese, 2017):
“So far this year alone about 67 women have exited the sex trade. Again, efficacy wise we’ve had over 194 calls unto our hotline and almost 70 of those have chosen to exit their circumstance. I think that is highly effective in terms of behavior modification showing efficacy of what it looks like to provide the services and to give the courage to an individual to leave,” (Varghese, 2017).
A range of US agencies such as the CIA, ICE, FBI, the State Department and the Department of Justice helped endorse the anti-trafficking statuses and laws (Okech et al., 2011). In the United States, the distinction between labor and sexual trafficking victims throughout the southern border begs serious questions (Okech et al., 2011). Since migration is a sensitive matter, border patrol official may not be aware of the need to differentiate between these classifications as a priority (Okech et al., 2011). Immediate deportations of victims does not help in addressing the problem, help in the service and identification provision objectives that are a part of the TVPA and hold the perpetrators responsible (Okech et al., 2011). TVPA’s main goal is to eradicate sex trafficking through protection, prevention and prosecution (Okech et al., 2011). Prevention efforts involved law enforcement officials, social service workers, educating the community, and other experts to identify victims and take measure to keep domestic and international trafficking from recurring (Okech et al., 2011). “Prevention also included requiring other countries to report their anti-trafficking activities with human rights agencies in order to receive non-humanitarian aid from the US,” (Okech et al., 2011).
Trafficking victims are the ones targeted by the protection provision (Okech et al., 2011). Housing, medical, safety services, and food are offered those acknowledged as victims (Okech et al., 2011). The T-Visa is one of the benefits offered which falls under victim protection (Okech et al., 2011). The T-Visa is given for victims of severe trafficking, and those who receive this visa are authorized to remain in the country for four consecutive years, and they may also apply for legal permanent residence after being constantly present in the United States for three years (Okech et al., 2011). This visa offers a human and positive shift in migration policy which had previously resulted in the deportation of the majority of victims (Okech et al., 2011). The T-Visa holders also benefit from expert services, vouchers and cash benefits that are available under state and federal funded programs to the same extent as refugees (Okech et al., 2011). Lastly, TVPA highlights on traffickers’ prosecution by making trafficking offense a federal crime (Okech et al., 2011). Prosecution is a form of meting out severe sentences and re-defining crimes (Okech et al., 2011). These policy aspects facilitated other countries amend or draft existing anti-trafficking law (Okech et al., 2011). To illustrate, traffickers who sexually exploit children below the age of 14 using fraud or force should be imprisoned for life (Okech et al., 2011). Even if trafficking didn’t involve coercion, fraud or force, traffickers should be imprisoned for at least 20 years is the victim is between 14 and 18 years old (Okech et al., 2011).
Methodology
The method used in this paper is a literature review with an analysis of secondary data. A discussion will take place to answer the research question and to prove whether the hypothesis is right or if there are further information found in the previous research studies. Additionally, a small comparison is done between the anti-trafficking campaigns in the United States and the anti-trafficking campaigns in Thailand to suggest improvements for the programs of the Thai anti-trafficking strategies.
Analysis and Discussion
Thailand has numerous anti-trafficking campaigns; however, the strategies these campaigns are taking are psychologically and physiologically harming trafficking victims. Some of the anti-trafficking strategies taken are deportation, imprisoning trafficking survivors, border controls and strict immigration policies.
As described in the literature review, trafficking survivors are usually vulnerable and exposed to severe mental illnesses such as post-traumatic stress disorder and depression. The deportation policy will add further emotional pressure on these victims, given that the process of deportation is not pleasant at all. It consists of mass exile of trafficked women, police strategies, and sometimes physical abuse.
Imprisoning trafficking victims is another issue to be raised here because trafficking victims are being treated as criminals. The vast majority of trafficked women were involved by fraud, coercion and deception, it is not at any means logical to be treated as criminals. Even if their involvement was by choice, the sexual exploitation and abuse these women underwent is enough to be legally stated as victims. Imprisoning trafficking survivors psychologically and physiologically harm them.
The third and final strategy anti-trafficking campaigns are taking in Thailand is border controls and strict immigration policies. Controlling the borders and imposing strict immigration policies do not solve the trafficking problem, they instead enhance it. To clarify, the more restrictions, the more possibility for migrants to leave their countries of origin through risky channels or illegally (Peach, 2006). Instead of controlling the borders, there should be decent job offers for migrant workers in the destination countries.
Nevertheless, the faith in improving these strategies still remains. Anti-trafficking campaigns in the United States are dealing with trafficking victims in a humanitarian way. The strategies taken in the United States are the following: rescue of victims, sex trafficking awareness through social media and education, rehabilitation of victims, restoration of victims, arrests of Johns, hotline implementation of information for fears of sex trafficking, and dealing with municipal response which fills gaps and analyzes services (Varghese, 2017). These strategies differentiate between victims and traffickers. They criminalize traffickers and treat them as ones, while they foster victims and provide shelter for them. In addition to these strategies, T-Visas are given to these victims instead of controlling the borders. These visas allow victims to legally reside inside the United States, and it makes them eligible to become legal citizens if they lived in the United States for three consecutive years. It also allows them to benefit from the vouchers, expert services and cash benefits. These strategies were proven to be the most effective, for they have the least psychological and physiological harms on trafficking victims.
If these strategies were applied in Thailand, the situation of trafficking victims would have been much healthier. Thailand might not have enough economic sources to provide these services, but with the aid of international NGOs and the World Bank, a lot can be achieved, and the rates of sex trafficking would be much lower with zero harms done.
The hypothesis stated is somewhat true, but on the larger scale it was not entirely proven to be correct. The most effective anti-trafficking strategies are the ones practiced and applied by the United States on victims of Trafficking. These strategies are taking into consideration the mental states as well as the physical states of victims, and they are treating them accordingly. I highly suggest these strategies owing to the tremendous work the United States is doing for the sake of trafficking victims.
Conclusion
Sex trafficking occurs when prostitution is linked to migration. The vast majority of sex trafficked women get involved in prostitution through coercion, fraud and deception. The paper’s main goal was to study sex trafficking in Thailand. Its major objective is finding the most effective anti-trafficking strategies but are the least psychologically and physiologically harmful to trafficking survivors.
The anti-trafficking strategies applied in the United States were shown to be the most effective. There is a thin line between traffickers and trafficked individuals. Strategies applied in the United States were able to distinguish between these two. They treat trafficking survivors as victims rather than criminalizing them. They provide aid for them, rather than imprisoning them. They care for their mental state, rather than adding further mental pressure on them. And the most important part, they give them the benefits of citizens, rather than deporting them.
With the help of international NGOs and the World Bank, anti-trafficking campaigns in Thailand are able to apply to these strategies on trafficking survivors. The strategies the United States is applying on victims has the least psychological and physiological harm and is the most effective.
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